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The era between the fifteenth and twentieth centuries was not a single uninterrupted run of financial desolation. Stay updated.

In Prostitutes Loon op Zand case, the ageing of the prostitute population has had important consequences, such as extending the length of their careers in the profession and changes in their family circumstances. While the greater majority of eighteenth and nineteenth-century prostitutes were unmarried Table 3.

It is certainly possible that the historical sources available did not always note when an absent husband had been mobilized.

The contemporary sex worker population contains the greatest number of mothers—a rather notable finding given the widespread use of birth control. However, there are some reasonable explanations. Present-day prostitutes tend to be older when joining the profession, and having been fertile longer than women in the past they are thus more likely to have children in general. Either way, it only confirms that sex workers are actually quite ordinary women. While they cannot all be stereotyped as poor young migrants, analyses do show that some groups are overrepresented.

Women with minimal prospects, such as migrants or the poorly educated, do indeed become prostitutes more often than others; moreover, as Bruges has become more diverse, offering more possibilities to more people, prostitutes increasingly come from distinct social groups. However, this does not make them passive victims.

While it is the case that some sex workers, both official and illicit, work Prostitutes Loon op Zand the oversight or protection of a brothel owner, madam, procurer, or pimp, this is not true of all.

Many prostitutes have operated independently throughout history. When the sector is lucrative, it attracts more people seeking Prostitutes Loon op Zand arrange contact between prostitutes and their clients—intermediaries, in other words. Prostitution is not as profitable in Bruges now, and as a result there are many more independent sex workers in the city; nearly half operate in private settings, whereas this is only the case for one fourth of the prostitutes in East and West Flanders as a whole.

The court records indicate that some were accompanied by an intermediary or were called to a house of ill repute whenever they had customers, while others had arrangements with the inns they frequented. However, few streetwalkers were entirely dependent on intermediaries and about one in ten of all prostitutes received customers in their own homes—an activity that they often combined with running their own brothels.

All the same, the level of organization involved in Prostitutes Loon op Zand prostitution is remarkable. In Bruges, as in other early modern cities, debt bondage was the most common method employed for keeping prostitutes in such houses. Marianne Stiers, for instance, declared that even though she earned a lot of money, she had to give it all to the bawdy woman to cover the debts she had run up Prostitutes Loon op Zand of the wine she drank, thus making it impossible to leave.

Indeed, few of the eighteenth-century prostitutes indicated that they had started against their will but many claimed that they lost their freedom after entering the brothel house. Marie Le Boeuf testified that she entered the brothel on her own initiative, but when she thought better of it, she could not Prostitutes Loon op Zand because she was under surveillance, and she said that her only hope was that her father would come to fetch her.

Presumably, the latter situation became increasingly uncommon over time due Prostitutes Loon op Zand increased regulations, particularly in the last few decades. According to Ans Traen and An Mortier from the ngo Pasop, forced prostitution is much less widespread today than is often believed.

They indicated that they do not know of a single sex worker in West Flanders who is constrained by an intermediary or for whom it is impossible to stop. Prostitutes were often persuaded to take up the profession via misrepresentations. For example, Jacoba Mesijs said that she started because her prospective madam claimed to know girls in Antwerp who had earned eighty-one guilders in sixteen days. And while forced prostitution was the exception rather than the norm, it did occur.

Anne Marie Cootens testified that while looking for work, she had moved in with Marie Callens, who, unbeknownst to her, ran a house of ill repute. When she had not found a job after a few days, Anne Marie had to sell some of her clothing.

Rather, they acquired more debt and were passed Prostitutes Loon op Zand brothels, thus becoming trapped in trafficking networks. Indeed, trafficking—meaning here all assisted migration, both voluntary and involuntary—is not a modern phenomenon.

Eighteenth-century brothel owners in Bruges corresponded with colleagues elsewhere to exchange girls and plan Prostitutes Loon op Zand travel. The only thing that changed over the course of time was the expanse of territories they operated across.

In fact, Prostitutes Loon op Zand sex workers who were not native to Bruges rarely began their careers there. Most were prostitutes on the move and the city was just one more stop on the road.

Indeed, such networks allowed for Prostitutes Loon op Zand great deal of mobility; some women only stayed in Bruges for a few weeks or months before they continued on their way.

The role played by trafficking networks is hard to pin down. Yet it is certain that they were not merely mechanisms of forced prostitution, although they did operate as such in some cases.

The aforementioned Marianne Stiers, for example, was passed between brothel keepers as a result of her debts. Other women, however, willingly took part in trafficking. He was not Prostitutes Loon op Zand guilty because the women involved were of age and were already working as prostitutes before travelling to Bruges, which—according to the police—meant that they had not been forced.

Prostitutes have always had many reasons for moving, including the avoidance of social stigma or simply looking out for greater profits. In addition, they were often forced to travel onwards in the eighteenth century because of court judgements banishing them.

Willingly or not, trafficked women ended up working under highly diverse conditions, whether in brothels that varied in terms of their size, organisation, profitability, and amenities or in the precarious circumstances experienced elsewhere by the prostitute population at large. In the early modern period, the boundaries between different types of prostitution were less clear than Prostitutes Loon op Zand are today.

They either looked for costumers at inns or brought in those that they had found elsewhere. On some days, they did not leave the bars they frequented, while on others they stayed outdoors completely. Prostitutes working in closed brothel houses usually plied their trade inside the building, but some did go out to look for clients when none appeared on the premises.

Women working from home similarly found customers on the streets or called out to them from their windows.

The rare upper-class prostitute was more discrete, however, and remained indoors like the mistresses who were installed in private houses or brothel rooms to provide services for one man. It is likely that similar practises were employed in the nineteenth century and at the beginning of the twentieth, although maintaining the same level of the Prostitutes Loon op Zand between indoor and outdoor business must have been made complicated by the legal framework that only allowed prostitution inside registered brothels.

Today, visible forms of prostitution have entirely disappeared from Bruges.

Indeed, such networks allowed for a great deal of mobility; some women only stayed in Bruges for a few weeks or months before they continued on their way.

Prostitutes Loon op Zand other side of the spectrum—the escorts—are Prostitutes Loon op Zand represented either, or at least they are not known.

They are sheltered from the dangerous and unpleasant situations related to working on the streets and they are not completely dependent on pimps or procurers. However, each type of prostitution and each individual situation have their own benefits and drawbacks, particularly when it comes to earning potential.

The price of sex depends on several interrelated factors.

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In addition to the setting, the service provided, and the class of the prostitute, the client also matters. What little data is available from the eighteenth-century records indicate that prices ranged from five pennies to one crown, Prostitutes Loon op Zand is between half and five times the daily wage of an unskilled labourer.

Most revealingly, the woman slept with another client for just two francs. Despite the large range, prices have remained remarkably stable over the long run. Nineteenth-century data indicate that in the s, a time of economic crisis in Prostitutes Loon op Zand there was an exceptionally high number of prostitutes, the mean price dropped to just 40 per Prostitutes Loon op Zand of the daily wage. So even though the prices have not changed in twenty years, the net daily wage earned by sex workers has declined over the last decade.

There are always costs involved. Prostitutes working with an intermediary have to hand over about half their pay—a proportion that has not changed over the centuries 79 —and others have to pay rent for a window or a room, and all must compensate for the hours spent without clients. Not only do they fluctuate daily, but a great deal depends on individual circumstances and the economic climate.

So while it is true Prostitutes Loon op Zand sex workers can potentially make a good living, it all hinges on their operating expenses vs. What we do know is that many prostitutes are not employed in the sector full-time; instead, they often combine sex work with another job, or only occasionally use prostitution to supplement wages earned elsewhere.

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Quantitative data is not available for historic or contemporary Bruges alone, but in a survey conducted in the present-day provinces of East and West Flanders as a whole, 13 per cent of sex workers indicated that prostitution is not their primary means of support and 29 per cent declared that prostitution is not their only source of income.

Nearly all eighteenth-century prostitutes interrogated in Bruges stated that they had some other form of employment, and while such claims have to be interpreted within the judicial context, there is no reason to assume that the occupations they provided to the court were not practised at all, particularly among streetwalkers.

In all likelihood, full-time prostitution was most common among those working in brothel Prostitutes Loon op Zand, but even under those circumstances there may not have been enough customers to support women without additional income. And indeed, there were brothel workers who had other employment; Anna Helders, who lived in De Vlagge The Flag brothel, for instance, informed the court that she worked part-time as both a fille de joie and domestic servant.

Certainly data from the eighteenth century and today make it clear that flexibility was and still is crucial in the prostitution sector. We can draw two main conclusions from this Prostitutes Loon op Zand history of prostitution in Bruges.

First, the sector is characterized by a remarkable degree of Prostitutes Loon op Zand stability. Although at first sight there seem to have been Prostitutes Loon op Zand changes, most of the developments are in line with general societal evolutions or represent continuity in another guise. The number of migrants working in the sector has increased substantially, but Prostitutes Loon op Zand has the number of migrants in the overall population.

The territory of prostitution networks has grown, but overall mobility has increased quite extensively as well.

Even the prices for sexual services have remained remarkably constant when compared to daily wages, as have the sums that dependent prostitutes are expected to give to Prostitutes Loon op Zand. Individual revenues are not constant but there is no evidence to suggest that they ever have been, and meanwhile, the hourly wage earning potential remains considerably higher than that of other occupations.

The second conclusion is that while the sector shows a high degree of continuity as a whole, individual circumstances have always been subject to a great deal of variability.

Some women fall victim to exploiters, others make their own arrangements with intermediaries, and still others work entirely independently. So while Prostitutes Loon op Zand prostitution and abuses do take place, this is not the general state of affairs. Trafficking networks are similarly diverse. Some women were brought to Bruges to work as prostitutes without their consent, but most already had experience in the sex trade before they took up such long journeys and either agreed with travel proposals when they were made or were seeking opportunities to move.

Working situations and wages have remained diverse as well. Migrants and locals, rich and poor, young and old, single and attached: all work in the sex industry. Yet some groups, such as migrants, the young, and the poor have always been overrepresented among prostitute populations, which explains our current stereotypes regarding sex workers. However, it does not then follow that all prostitution is the result of force or Prostitutes Loon op Zand exploitation of the vulnerable.

As this brief essay has shown, some women Prostitutes Loon op Zand their lives into their own hands, deciding to become prostitutes for their own reasons. I am grateful to Thomas Donald Jacobs for reading this paper, improving it, and giving advice regarding my use of English, which was truly a great help.

I am also grateful to the editors of this volume for their comments on an earlier version of this article.

Guy Dupont, Maagdenverleidsters, hoeren en speculanten: Prostitutie in Brugge tijdens de Bourgondische periode — Bruges,pp. Pasop, established inprovides medical and social services to Prostitutes Loon op Zand workers in the Belgian provinces of East and West Flanders. I am equally indebted to Ans Traen, a doctor, and An Mortier, a nurse, for their willingness to share their knowledge and experiences when I interviewed them in Ghent on 12 June Yvan Vanden Berghe, Jacobijnen en traditionalisten: de Prostitutes Loon op Zand van de Bruggelingen in de revolutietijd — Brussels,pp.

The mean age at first marriage for women at the end of the eighteenth century was This was calculated on the basis of a database constructed by volunteers at the Bruges archives, which contains first marriages for —, and brides for which the age at marriage was known.

According to the census, around one fifth of women never married at all; their exact numbers could not be determined, but the percentage of unmarried women above the age of 50 is estimated to have been between 18 per cent and 28 per cent.

De Belder, L. Jaspers, C. Gyssels, and C. Vandenbroeke, Arbeid en tewerkstelling in West-Vlaanderen —, een socio-professionele en demografische analyse: Werkdocumenten 6 n. Adultery could be prosecuted both by the secular and the ecclesiastical courts, but moral offences committed by the laity were increasingly—and eventually Prostitutes Loon op Zand with by the former.

This evolution was also found elsewhere: Lotte Van de Pol, Het Amsterdams hoerdom: Prostitutie in de zeventiende en achttiende eeuw Amsterdam,pp. Bennett and Amy Prostitutes Loon op Zand.

Froide edsSinglewomen in the European Past, — Philadelphia,pp. The average for Ghent between and was calculated on the basis of Prostitutes Loon op Zand other studies because the requisite information was not included in the criminal archives. Vandewalle, Beknopte inventaris van het stadsarchief van Brugge Bruges,pp. Dupont, Maagdenverleidsters, hoeren en speculantenp. Naar regulering of legalisering van niet-problematische prostitutie?

Antwerp,pp. The distinction can partly be explained by the finding that many sex workers originate from areas where only lower levels of education are readily available, yet this is not an entirely sufficient explanation given the fact that local prostitutes are also not as educated as other Belgians.

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On the likelihood of women working in various sectors becoming prostitutes, see Van de Pol, Het Amsterdams hoerdomp. On the mean wages of Bruges lace makers, see p. Amy M. For the legislation regarding prostitution by minors, Prostitutes Loon op Zand Stevens, Strafrecht en seksualiteitpp.

No sets of data are currently available on the official marital status of Prostitutes Loon op Zand Bruges sex workers, but Between the end of the eighteenth century and the end of World War iithe age at first marriage for women decreased. In Flanders and Brabant, it was In Belgium, it was Meanwhile, the proportion of spinsters decreased from Western Europe since Turnhout,pp. Van de Pol, Het Amsterdams hoerdomp. The primary source material concerning this network consists of correspondences between the city governments of Bruges and Versailles.

Cemeteries are Prostitutes Loon op Zand mentioned in the court records, presumably because at night they offered the privacy requisite for sexual encounters.

The nineteenth-century data are based on two main sets of sources: the correspondences between the police and the city council, and the testimonies given by Prostitutes Loon op Zand, soldiers who consequently became ill, as well as others.

As such, the prices only refer to clandestine prostitution. Mertens also found a few references to the price of 0 francs, but this might refer to a soldier who had an actual relationship with the prostitute. The prices for the nineteenth century were drawn from the dissertation written by Mertens.

According to Prostitutes Loon op Zand, fifteenth and sixteenth century prices were lower: Dupont, Maagdenverleidsters, hoeren en speculantenpp. Reference Works. Primary source collections. Open Access Content. Contact us. Sales contacts.

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Author: Maja Mechant. Download PDF. Introduction At first glance, Bruges—a provincial town in Belgium—and prostitution may appear to be worlds apart. The Bruges Context As mentioned in the introduction, while prostitution was widespread in Bruges at the end of the Middle Ages, the situation has since greatly altered.

Sex Workers and Their Employers While it is the case that some sex workers, both official and illicit, work under the oversight or protection of a brothel owner, madam, procurer, or pimp, this is not true of all. Working Conditions In the early modern period, the boundaries between different types of prostitution were less clear than they are today.

Conclusion We can draw two main conclusions from this brief history of prostitution in Bruges. Prostitutes Loon op Zand Cite Email this content Share link Prostitutes Loon op Zand colleague or librarian You can email a link to this page to a colleague or librarian:. The men often pick up languages during their spells in foreign Prostitutes but they are also diligent students, realizing that language is a crucial tool for gathering information about Cetinje target in a foreign country and escaping safely after the robbery.

Raden was Cetinje only Prostitutes who accepted and fully understood her idea. Hungary and Croatia, both German Allies. History Montenegro was founded Prostitutes Loon op Zand a state under its present name in 15th century, continuing the tradition of the Slavic state of Duklja.

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Specialty Products. Corporate Social Responsiblity. This remained unchanged in the nineteenth century; while 45 per cent of prostitutes began working in the sector before the age of 20, 38 per cent indicated they had started between the ages of 20 and

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